By Mohammed Jallow
In recent months, Senegal and The Gambia have found themselves gripped by political tremors that expose not merely popular discontent but a deeper misalignment between promise and practice in West Africa’s fragile democracies. On one side is Senegal, where citizens once again rose up ousting the comfort of silence to demand Macky Sall’s departure and to elevate Ousmane Sonko and Bassirou Diomaye Faye, only to turn against them when the winds shifted. On the other side is The Gambia, still grappling with the legacy of Yahya Jammeh and the complexities of Adama Barrow’s presidency: governance that once promised liberation has instead drawn fresh scrutiny. These twin dramas demonstrate that the democratic aspirations of our region are being tested not only by power grabs but by the instability that follows unmet expectations. The question is what do people truly desire and how should the countries of Senegambia steer toward genuine stability, tolerance and democracy.
Senegal in Revolt: From Sall to Sonko and Diomaye
Senegal’s political crisis unfolded in phases. The first emerged from widespread fears that President Macky Sall would engineer his way to a third term through constitutional revisions or artful interpretations of term limits. These fears were not idle; they arose from delays in election scheduling and suppression of opposition voices. When Ousmane Sonko was convicted of corrupting youth a verdict many regarded as politically motivated it sparked widespread protests throughout 2023 and into early 2024. Dozens lost their lives, hundreds were arrested, and the legitimacy of political institutions came into question.
Despite the turbulence, many Senegalese maintained faith in democratic ideals: free elections, respect for the constitution, and accountability. The movement was not simply against individuals but against a pattern of injustice, suppression of dissent, and erosion of democratic norms.
Yet as the political tides shifted and new figures Sonko and Diomaye came to the fore, the same people who cheered for change found themselves disillusioned. For some, the new stewards of power resembled the old ones; for others, the revolution failed to produce immediate improvements in daily life. Calls for Macky Sall’s return and the vilification of Sonko and Diomaye reveal a deeper political frustration. Hope has soured into fear that the cycle of leadership without accountability will simply continue. Impatience with broken promises, combined with economic hardship and governance failures, has meant that yesterday’s liberators are becoming today’s targets of public ire.
The Gambia’s burden: From dictatorship to disillusion
The Gambia offers another lens. Yahya Jammeh’s regime was brutally dictatorial, marked by human rights abuses, suppression of free speech, and the collapse of public trust. When Adama Barrow came into power in 2016 under a coalition that expected a transitional government rather than a new long-term ruler, many citizens breathed relief. Ecowas intervention, Senegalese support, and international backing marked the tipping point that removed Jammeh.
But Barrow’s tenure has raised fresh anxieties. Critics argue he is slowly replicating some of Jammeh’s tendencies by restricting protests, detaining dissenters, and postponing promised reforms. The “Three Years Jotna” movement exposed a profound betrayal of expectations: promises of transition, reform, and democracy seem to be fading. Thus, The Gambia mirrors Senegal in the disillusionment of citizens who feel their part in democratic change has been sidelined and that political rhetoric has outpaced structural transformation.
Comparing and contrasting the two nations
Both nations illustrate how the aftershocks of autocracy continue long after a dictator departs. Senegal has historically enjoyed a reputation for peaceful transitions, yet fears of term extension and the suppression of opposition threaten its democratic fabric. The Gambia endured direct dictatorship for over two decades, and while Barrow’s ascent offered hope, his reluctance to deliver sweeping reforms has dimmed that optimism.
Public expectations in both states are remarkably high: citizens demand equality before the law, fidelity to constitutional term limits, accountable leadership, and an end to corruption. Opposition movements have been vibrant yet constrained. In Senegal, Sonko embodies both a symbol and a target of resistance, while in The Gambia civil society movements such as “Three Years Jotna” report harassment and intimidation. Judicial and electoral institutions in both nations face acute pressure and accusations of executive capture.
Stability, though real in some respects, coexists uneasily with curtailed freedoms. Senegal balances protest and repression, while The Gambia, though more tranquil on the surface, risks future unrest if promises continue to be deferred.
The true desire of the people
From Dakar to Banjul, the heart of popular discontent beats with the same aspirations:
1. Constitutional clarity and unassailable respect for term limits without manipulation or ambiguous interpretation.
2. Genuine accountability for corruption and abuse, with justice applied equally and transparently.
3. Robust protection of freedom of expression and assembly not merely enshrined on paper but respected in practice.
4. Economic justice and opportunity, particularly for youth confronting unemployment and rising costs.
5. Transparent governance that earns public confidence through open procurement, independent media, and impartial courts.
When these fundamental desires remain unfulfilled, the gap between government and citizen widens into mistrust, fertilizing the soil for protest, cynicism, and instability.
Pathways for the Senegambian region
Senegal and The Gambia do not exist in isolation; they stand at the heart of West Africa’s democratic experiment. Their triumphs or failures reverberate across the region. For the countries of the Senegambian corridor, several imperatives emerge.
First, reinforce constitutionalism without delay. Leaders must treat term limits as sacred. Any attempt to erode them undermines the republic itself. Second, strengthen independent institutions such as the judiciary, electoral commissions, and human rights bodies. These must be insulated from executive influence through transparent appointments and adequate funding. Third, elevate civil society and protect dissent, recognising that criticism is a democratic safeguard rather than a threat. Fourth, pursue economic inclusion and youth empowerment through job creation, vocational training, and transparent public investment. Fifth, entrench the rule of law so that justice is blind and impunity impossible. Sixth, engage in broad dialogue and constitutional reform through referenda and public consultations to ensure the system reflects the will of the people. Finally, embrace regional cooperation, leveraging Ecowas and the African Union for standard-setting and peaceful mediation.
Conclusion
What we witness in Senegal and The Gambia is not simply a contest for power but a broader implosion of trust. Leaders who once promised deliverance from despotism now risk becoming imperfect guardians of democracy themselves. Citizens are not merely fighting individual rulers; they are yearning for a state that behaves justly, reliably, and transparently.
Governments tempted to slide back into autocratic habits must understand that stability enforced by fear is brittle. Societies hungry for freedom will not long tolerate empty speeches when promises remain unfulfilled. For Senegambia, the best path forward lies not in strongmen or populist fervor but in stronger institutions, inclusive governance, clear constitutional order, and leaders who serve rather than rule.
Senegalese now wistfully invoking Macky Sall and Gambians voicing sharp critiques of Adama Barrow are not anomalies. They are signals urgent calls to action that, if ignored, will record this moment as a squandered opportunity to anchor a more mature, resilient, and democratic region is it true that. IS NOT EASY LIKE THAT’…
