ECOWAS must act before it’s too late in Ivory Coast

Ivory Coast is teetering dangerously on the edge of political chaos, and concerned Africans, both at home and in the diaspora, cannot afford to look away. The alarm bells are no longer merely ringing, they are blaring. The West African bloc ECOWAS, along with the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), must act immediately to forestall a descent into the kind of bloodshed and instability that has haunted the country before. This time, the stakes are even higher, and the price of delay could be catastrophic.
On July 29, 2025, President Alassane Ouattara, now 83, declared his intention to seek a fourth presidential term in the upcoming election slated for October 25, 2025. He claims that the constitutional revision of 2016 “reset” the term clock, allowing him to run again. But critics, and many ordinary Ivorians, see this as a legal manipulation and a blatant power grab. In truth, Ouattara is defying not just the spirit of democracy, but the very essence of constitutional order, to cling to power.
His controversial third-term bid in 2020, similarly justified, was marred by violence, opposition boycotts, and widespread allegations of constitutional manipulation. Now, in 2025, with tensions simmering, Ouattara has gone a step further by barring key opposition leaders through highly dubious legal rulings, viewed by many as calculated and politically motivated.
Among those excluded is Tidjane Thiam (Cham), the highly respected leader of the opposition PDCI party, whose candidacy was nullified because he held dual nationality (French-Ivorian) at the time of registration, in spite of renouncing his French citizenship before the final voter list was published. This technicality is widely seen as a deliberate move to remove a formidable challenger from the playing field.
Similarly, Laurent Gbagbo, former president and a dominant political figure, has been barred based on a domestic conviction linked to the 2010–11 post-election crisis, despite having been acquitted by the International Criminal Court (ICC). Others, including Guillaume Soro and Charles Blé Goudé, have been similarly disqualified on the basis of controversial legal convictions.
As a result, thousands of Ivorians flooded the streets of Abidjan and other cities in June 2025, demanding the reinstatement of disqualified candidates and a level playing field. Analysts warn that the tensions are reaching a boiling point, and if the elections proceed under these unjust conditions, widespread unrest is almost inevitable.
President Ouattara must be reminded of his own painful experience in the 1990s, when he was banned from contesting under the divisive doctrine of “Ivoirité,” accused of being Burkinabé regardless of having served as Prime Minister and an IMF executive. That unjust exclusion triggered a national crisis, sparking two civil wars that left over 3,000 Ivorians dead and led to French military intervention.
Now, history threatens to repeat itself, but this time, it is Ouattara wielding the weapon of exclusion, turning citizenship laws against Tidjane Thiam (Cham), much like they were once used against him. The politicization of identity and manipulation of the judiciary to suppress opposition are hallmarks not of democracy but of authoritarianism in disguise.
At 80 and 83 respectively, both Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara should pause and reflect on what kind of legacy they will leave. Their continued rivalry, fought not at the ballot box but through courtroom battles and candidate exclusions, ignores the crucial truth that Ivory Coast is a young nation. With a youth dependency ratio of around 65%, the country’s future lies in the hands of a new generation, one that longs for peace, opportunity, and genuine democracy.
By clinging to power and fanning the flames of personal rivalry, both men risk robbing the youth of their future. It is time for them to rise above ego and ambition, and pave the way for fresh leadership, leadership that prioritizes the nation over narrow self-interest.
Ecowas, for its part, has been vocal in condemning military coups across the region. But it must now confront civilian coups by constitutional manipulation with equal vigor. When presidents twist laws to extend their rule and muzzle legitimate challengers, the difference between civilian rule and dictatorship becomes merely cosmetic.
This is a moment for bold, proactive diplomacy. Ecowas cannot afford to wait for bullets to fly and bodies to fall before reacting. Issuing statements after the fact and imposing toothless sanctions will not suffice. The regional body must engage immediately with all Ivorian stakeholders, insist on the reinstatement of credible opposition candidates, and facilitate an inclusive electoral process that restores faith in democracy.
On a related note, I must also address a recent misleading statement by a senior member of a Gambian opposition party, who claimed that Ecowas has ratified a two-term presidential limit binding on all member states, including The Gambia. This is categorically false. While term limits have been discussed, no such binding agreement exists. Spreading misinformation of this nature only misleads the public and sows confusion about our region’s democratic governance.
Ivory Coast now stands at a dangerous crossroads. The current path, paved with exclusions, legal subterfuge, and political brinkmanship, leads only to tragedy. But it is not too late to change course.
Ecowas, the AU, and the UN must act, and act now. West Africa does not need another civil war. Ivory Coast does not need more grieving families. It needs justice, inclusion, and peace, and that journey begins with a fair, transparent, and open election.