EU-funded voluntary return assistance that delegates migration management to transit countries has tripled in Tunisia over the past two years. The lines for those seeking repatriation are growing longer, while asylum requests are no longer registered.
Clovis waits at the foot of the building, hoping to finally be called inside. He’s been waiting for hours. The pristine white offices of the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) in Tunis, surrounded by double fences topped with razor wire, remain closed. “My wife is inside; she’s sick,” said the Cameroonian as he stood at the fortress’ gate. The UN agency continues to provide traditional assistance to migrants, but it is now focusing its energy and resources on its “RRR” policy (return and readmission of migrants to their countries of origin or third countries and their reintegration into the societies and communities that receive them) backed by European support.
Asylum window closed
The hopelessness of a blocked future in a deliberately hostile country has turned even the most determined migrants into those desperate enough to risk crossing the Mediterranean. “I would rather die back home than stay here any longer!” said Clovis angrily. He might qualify for refugee status, coming from an English-speaking family impacted by the Ambazonian conflict with separatists. The problem is that there’s no longer a place to apply for asylum. “Asylum requests haven’t been registered since March,” said a Sudanese man from Darfur, lamenting just a few blocks away, in front of the barricaded offices of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). He was lucky enough to apply for asylum just before the window closed. Since then, there has been no response. Like his fellow sufferers, he lingered there, spending nights in parking lots in this residential area near the airport. The badge he keeps in his pocket theoretically grants him the right to stay in Tunisia until his case is decided. But that token isn’t much help. “I’ve been picked up by the police three times and sent back to Algeria. They don’t want us here.”
Further reading: NGOs demand accountability from Europe on migration management in Tunisia
In the end, the only option left may be the “voluntary return assistance” funded by the European Union and its member states. The IOM in Tunisia doesn’t give formal interviews but provides some telling figures. “So far in 2024, more than 5,400 migrants have been helped to return voluntarily to their home countries, to a total of 32 destinations, primarily Gambia, Burkina Faso, and Guinea,” said its spokesperson. The increase has been exponential. Last year, 2,557 migrants returned home, compared to 1,614 in 2022.
In the return queue
This does not stop the endless wait for those seeking repatriation. “It’s been three months since I applied,” complained a migrant from Sierra Leone, sitting next to a bag of blankets he’ll use to sleep on the ground. The tent camp that had sprung up outside the IOM offices was dismantled. Since then, no one has been allowed to settle there. Some migrants, with no accommodation, sleep on the bare ground.
This is partly the result of a memorandum of understanding signed in 2023 between the European Union and Tunisia as part of a first cooperation program worth $111.3 million. In this agreement, Tunisia “reiterates its stance of not being a country for irregular migrants to settle in” and commits to developing a “system for identifying and returning migrants.”
UN criticizes EU methods
The initiative has shown some effectiveness, especially in intercepting boats heading to Europe. Between January and August 2024, sea arrivals in Italy dropped by 63% compared to the same period in 2023. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni visited Tunis four times in a year and a half to ensure migration control in exchange for generous cooperation packages.
Further reading: In Tunisia, an entire industry crops up to deal with illegal migration to Europe
However, the UN is raising concerns about the situation in Tunisia. In a report published October 14, experts revealed that between January and July 2024, “189 people, including children, are believed to have died during crossings, while 265 may have perished during interception operations at sea.” Additionally, 95 people remain missing, some of whom “may have been victims of enforced disappearances or comparable acts.” This raises questions for the European Union about adhering to the human rights principles it claims to uphold.