The paradox of tribal politics in The Gambia

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By Mr S Demba

As The Gambia edges towards another general election, the language of national unity is steadily giving way to a more divisive political narrative: tribal politics. Political operatives are increasingly drawing ethnic battle lines, mobilising support not around ideas or policies, but around identity. This trend is troubling. Tribal politics should have no place at the heart of a liberal democracy, and yet it is becoming a defining feature of our political moment. The leadership of the NPP must take decisive steps to stamp out the pernicious tribalism within its ranks. Failure to do so risks leaving the party culpable for deepening the divisions in our society. The Gambia belongs to all Gambians, without distinction.

At its core, democracy rests on the idea that citizens participate as equals. Political philosopher John Rawls famously argued that a just political system requires us to imagine ourselves behind a “veil of ignorance”, where no one knows their social status, class, or natural advantage. Transposed into our context, this means political leadership should be exercised without regard to tribe, and political power sought in the interest of all citizens. When leaders appeal primarily to ethnic loyalty, they abandon this ideal and undermine the very foundations of democratic fairness.

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There is no denying that tribe matters. Ethnic identity provides history, culture, language and belonging. It shapes who we are and how we see the world. But when tribal identity is instrumentalised for political gain, it ceases to be a source of cohesion and becomes instead a tool of exclusion. Tribal politics fractures citizenship into competing loyalties, making some feel that the state belongs more to others than to them. Minorities are left feeling sidelined from national development, political participation and public power.

This is not merely a social problem; it is a moral and democratic one. To exclude or disadvantage citizens on the basis of tribe is incompatible with the principle of equality. It offends the basic idea that all citizens are entitled to equal concern and respect. In Rawlsian terms, tribal politics—when used as a tool for exclusion—runs counter to justice itself. It should therefore be objectionable not only to liberals but to all fair minded Gambians.

The danger today is heightened by political fragmentation. Established parties are losing their dominance, new parties are emerging, and the prospect of clear parliamentary majorities is increasingly remote. In this volatile environment, some political actors have resorted to ethnic mobilisation as a shortcut to relevance. Others go further still, defending past abuses and indefensible conduct committed during the Second Republic, not out of principle, but in the hope of securing tribal sympathy. These tactics corrode trust between communities and threaten the fragile democratic gains secured since 2017.

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And yet, there is a paradox. Tribe itself is not inherently destructive. Shared culture and values can foster solidarity, mutual support and civic engagement. Every Gambian belongs to a tribe, and recognising ethnic diversity is not only inevitable but desirable in a plural society. The problem arises when tribe becomes a political weapon rather than a cultural reality. Those who incite division for political expediency cannot be trusted to govern in the collective interest, because their loyalty is not to the nation, but to their narrow political base.

Tribal politics, moreover, is not new to The Gambia. It has long shaped electoral behaviour. The People’s Progressive Party, for example, drew significant support from the Mandingo community throughout its thirty year rule. Similarly, today’s major political parties—NPP, UDP, APRC and GDC among them—each have identifiable ethnic alignments. Pretending otherwise does not help us. What matters is how we manage these realities so they do not undermine democratic inclusion.

The solution does not lie in suppressing ethnic identity, but in preventing its abuse. The state has a duty to curb pernicious tribal politics, particularly where it is laced with hate, exclusion or incitement. Legislative safeguards are essential. So too is a more inclusive distribution of political power within state institutions. Democracy is not exhausted by elections alone; it also requires that power be shared fairly across society.

Parliament should therefore take seriously the case for electoral and institutional reform. Proportional representation could help address chronic under representation, particularly of minorities and women. Legislative mechanisms could also ensure broader ethnic inclusion in Cabinet and senior public offices. Such measures are not about entrenching division, but about strengthening legitimacy and trust in the state. When citizens see themselves reflected in public institutions, they are more likely to feel invested in democracy.

Majoritarian rule must not be allowed to override minority participation. Democracy does not mean that the majority must always prevail, especially where fundamental inclusion is at stake. States have international obligations to address democratic deficits. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has made clear that effective minority participation is essential to correcting structural power imbalances within democratic systems.

Ultimately, the most effective antidote to tribal politics is a shared national identity rooted in democratic values. The Gambia must invest in institutions, civic traditions and collective memory that bind citizens together across ethnic lines. Loyalty to the Constitution, respect for the rule of law, and commitment to liberal democratic principles must come before tribal allegiance.

There is no quick fix. Tribal politics cannot be wished away, and it will not disappear through silence or denial. But neither is it inevitable. This is the moment for Gambian lawmakers, political leaders and civil society to act decisively. Parliament must move beyond rhetoric and enact laws that protect minorities, regulate hate laden ethnic mobilisation and promote meaningful inclusion across public institutions. Political parties must discipline their ranks and reject tribal agitation as a campaign strategy. And citizens themselves must refuse to reward politicians who trade division for power. The survival of Gambian democracy depends on it. If we are serious about national unity, we must insist—now—that leadership be anchored in ideas, justice and shared democratic values, not tribal allegiance. The choice is stark: either we confront the misuse of tribe in our politics today, or we allow it to hollow out our democracy tomorrow.

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