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Tuesday, March 10, 2026
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The power of the pocket or the power of the people?

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The defining question for Gambian democracy

By Kebba Nanko

In every democracy, political parties are meant to be sustained by the collective strength of their members. Membership dues, small contributions, grassroots fundraising — these are the traditional pillars that build credible and people-centered political movements. Politics, ideally, should be driven by ideas, sacrifice, and shared vision. It should be powered by conviction, not currency.

Yet, in The Gambia today, we are witnessing a growing shift that demands reflection. Across the political landscape, significant sums of money are being injected into political mobilisation. Emerging movements — including those not yet formally registered as political parties — are operating with visible financial muscle. Expensive vehicles are paraded, well-funded activities are organized, and the optics suggest deep pockets behind political ambition. At the same time, key figures within the ruling establishment and opposition formations hold public office while actively mobilising support for future elections.

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In a country facing economic hardship, rising living costs, unemployment, and youth frustration, these displays naturally raise questions. And in a democracy, questions are not disrespectful — they are a responsibility. Where is this money coming from? Are these resources coming from business communities? Is there international backing? If so, what interests are attached? What expectations accompany such support? These are not allegations. They are legitimate democratic concerns. Transparency is not hostility; it is the oxygen of democracy.

The deeper issue is not simply about who has money. It is about what happens when money becomes the central determinant of political competition. When visibility, mobilisation, and influence depend primarily on financial strength, politics risks becoming transactional. The marketplace replaces the public square. Instead of competing on policy, service, and integrity, actors compete on logistics, spectacle, and financial power.

If Gambian politics becomes a contest of wealth, then we must be honest about who benefits most from such an environment. President Adama Barrow, as the incumbent, would inevitably have the advantage. If elections are to be determined by financial capacity, he has greater access to networks, influence, and resources than any other contender. Some may argue that this advantage stems from his position in public office or the support he receives from business communities because he is the president. That may well be true — but if that reasoning is accepted, it must be applied consistently.

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The same reasoning can be extended to Mayor Talib Bensouda. In some quarters, the defence offered is that he is a two-term mayor and has some connections, questions about his financial disclosures are unnecessary or unfair. But does that argument truly hold? If being from a well-resourced background shields one from scrutiny, then could it not equally be argued that President Barrow is backed by wealthy individuals and powerful networks? If we normalise wealth-driven politics for one actor while condemning it for another, we are not defending democracy — we are defending preference. Selective accountability is dangerous.

When President Barrow’s financial and logistical advantages are criticised, many applaud the scrutiny — and rightly so. But when other public office holders inject substantial resources into political mobilisation and showcase visible wealth, similar standards of criticism should apply. Equal power demands equal questioning. Democracy cannot survive on selective outrage.

The “rich family” narrative also carries deeper consequences. Even if personal wealth is legitimately acquired, when large sums are deployed in the political arena, the message it sends matters. It risks creating a perception that leadership is accessible primarily to those born into privilege or connected to financial power. It quietly tells the struggling teacher, the unemployed graduate, the market vendor, and the small farmer that political relevance requires financial might.

Recent developments add another layer to this conversation. The NPP has announced a D50 million Women Enterprise Fund, which it states is financed from party funds and directed to registered women members of the party. If indeed this fund is sourced entirely from party resources and not from public coffers, that distinction is important and must be acknowledged.

However, even when financed privately by a political party, such a substantial financial intervention raises broader political questions. When a ruling party — whose leadership simultaneously controls state machinery — deploys large-scale financial empowerment initiatives targeted at its registered members, the political implications cannot be ignored. The scale, timing, and structure of such initiatives inevitably shape political competition.

In environments where economic hardship is widespread, a major financial empowerment program tied to party membership can significantly influence political loyalty and voter alignment. While political parties are entitled to organise and support their members, the magnitude of such financial commitments calls for transparency about funding sources, governance structures, and safeguards to ensure that there is no institutional overlap between state authority and party operations.

The line between party and state must remain clear and uncompromised. Even the perception of blurred boundaries can erode public trust. There is also a deeper philosophical concern. When political participation becomes closely associated with access to financial opportunity, democracy risks shifting from persuasion to patronage. Citizens may begin to see political affiliation less as a matter of conviction and more as a pathway to economic inclusion. That transformation, subtle as it may seem, reshapes the moral foundation of democratic engagement.

Is this the political culture we want to entrench? The Gambia’s democracy is still young and evolving. We fought hard to restore constitutional order and democratic freedoms. But democracy is not only about voting day. It is about fairness in participation. It is about ensuring that the competition for leadership is based on ideas, competence, and service — not on who can fund the biggest convoy or project the strongest financial image.

Money in politics is not inherently evil. Campaigns require resources. Mobilisation requires logistics. But when money dominates the space without transparency or regulation, it can distort democratic choice. It can silence smaller voices. It can discourage capable but less wealthy citizens from aspiring to leadership. It can shift loyalty from citizens to financiers.

Perhaps even more concerning is the role of civil society. A vibrant democracy depends on independent, consistent, and fearless civic oversight. When accountability appears uneven — loud in some cases and muted in others — public trust erodes. If one public office holder faces intense scrutiny for resource use while another enjoys silence or softer treatment, the credibility of democratic guardians weakens.

Every public office holder who injects significant resources into political mobilisation — and publicly displays such capacity — should be subject to principled and consistent criticism. Not because we wish to undermine them, but because democracy demands it. This is not an attack on individuals. It is a challenge to our political culture.

Are we building a democracy powered by the voices of Gambians, or are we drifting toward a system powered by the size of bank accounts? Are we encouraging ideas to compete, or are we encouraging financiers to compete through candidates?

If we allow the logic of the pocket to dominate the logic of public service, we may wake up one day to find that our democracy exists in form but not in fairness. The Gambian people deserve a political system where transparency is standard, accountability is consistent, and leadership is accessible to all — not only to the well-funded or well-connected.

Democracy must never become a privilege of wealth. It must remain the shared right of the people. And if we truly care about the future of this country, then we must have the courage to ask uncomfortable but necessary questions — now, before money quietly redefines the meaning of political power in The Gambia.

In the end, the future of our democracy does not belong to political parties. It does not belong to wealthy financiers. It does not belong to incumbents or challengers. It belongs to the Gambian people.

We must not allow our country to drift toward a political culture where money determines momentum, where financial muscle overshadows moral authority, and where access to resources quietly consolidates power into the hands of a few. A democracy influenced excessively by money risks sliding toward dominance by one political force — not necessarily through suppression, but through financial imbalance. That is how pluralism slowly weakens.

The Gambia must never become a de facto one-party state shaped by financial advantage rather than genuine public consent. Our votes are not commodities. They are instruments of sovereignty.

Every Gambian voter must approach the next election with clarity and independence of mind. We must vote based on our needs, our aspirations, our vision for national development, and our expectations of accountability. We must vote for policies that address unemployment, economic opportunity, healthcare, education, and institutional reform — not for spectacle or material inducement.

Democracy survives when citizens refuse to be swayed by display and remain guided by principle. Let us protect the integrity of our ballots. Let us guard against the quiet normalisation of money as the ultimate political weapon. Let us insist that leadership be earned through ideas, service, and credibility — not purchased through financial dominance.

The responsibility is collective. The power is ours. If we safeguard our democratic values today, future generations will inherit a country where leadership is decided by conscience, not currency — by the power of the people, not the power of the pocket. The choice is before us. Let us choose wisely.

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