The Gambia Armed Forces’ (GAF) publication on November 26, 2024, titled “The Gambia Armed Forces Concludes Joint Patrol with Senegalese Counterparts”, is a beacon of hope and a moment of pride for every Gambian and Senegalese who cherishes the remarkable benefits of cross-border security cooperation. This landmark initiative shines as a testament to what can be achieved when neighboring nations like ours unite for a common purpose.
Yet, one cannot help but be struck by a curious question: why did it take seven long years for the Defense and Security Cooperation Agreement—signed on March 4, 2017, in Dakar—to finally bear fruit? The timing is as intriguing as it is revealing. It speaks volumes that this crucial step forward only came under the newly minted President Basirou Diomaye Faye administration in 2024, following years of inertia under former President Macky Sall’s leadership. Such a stark contrast invites a deeper reflection on the vastly different leadership styles and priorities of these two administrations.
The recently concluded joint patrols spanned critical and historically tense border zones, including “Darsilami and Brikama North in the West Coast Region, and Kampassa” to Kalagi in the Foni border region bordering Casamance”. The importance of these operations cannot be overstated. Had similar initiatives been pursued earlier, they might have nipped in the bud the numerous armed skirmishes and conflicts that have ravaged the region for decades. The situation was further aggravated in 2017 by the deployment of Senegalese-dominated Ecomig forces in the Fonis—a move that only deepened local tensions.
For years, I have raised alarm bells about the fragility of this border region, harking back to the volatile late 1980s. Successive Gambian and Senegalese governments have tried—time and again—to stabilize this flashpoint, yet their efforts often amounted to little more than paper promises. The deep-seated conflict between Senegalese authorities and the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MFDC) secessionists has repeatedly drawn The Gambia into its vortex. As an advocate for practical solutions, I have long championed measures like joint patrols to defuse these tensions.
According to GAF’s report, these patrols, aptly dubbed “confidence-building and reassurance patrols,” aim to forge stronger bonds between the two nations’ armed forces. They seek to bolster peace and security, crack down on cross-border crimes such as armed banditry, drug and human trafficking, and address the myriad other challenges of transnational crime. Beyond security, the patrols are designed to spur economic and political development in border communities, all while building trust between local populations and the security forces that serve them.
This rekindling of military synergy recalls the days of the Senegambia Confederation (1982–1989), when Gambian and Senegalese troops in the Confederation Battalion regularly patrolled the shared borders in joint exercises and drills. Those operations not only fortified mutual trust but also provided the fledgling Gambia National Army (GNA) with indispensable military experience at a time when international peacekeeping missions were but a distant aspiration.
Today’s joint patrols are more than a tactical maneuver; they are a bold stride toward a future of lasting peace and shared prosperity in a historically turbulent region.
When the Senegalese-dominated Ecomig forces were controversially deployed in Foni in 2017, their arrival ignited tensions and fanned the flames of conflict rather than extinguishing them. Recognizing the gravity of the situation, I urged the NPP government to revisit the security protocols of the former Senegambia Confederation. This proposal came at a critical moment: The Gambia Armed Forces (GAF), after decades of distinguished service in international peacekeeping missions, found itself sidelined, with many soldiers facing stagnation and dwindling morale.
Given that the European Union was bankrolling the Ecomig mission—a venture not unlike traditional peacekeeping—I suggested embedding a GAF company within Ecomig’s ranks as part of the Security Sector Reform. This setup would include joint patrols, training exercises, and operations reminiscent of the cooperative drills under the Confederation. Such a framework wouldn’t just bolster GAF’s operational readiness but also offer tangible financial rewards to its personnel. Moreover, this partnership could have eased the eventual withdrawal of Ecomig, whose continued presence has become a lightning rod for political discontent.
Looking ahead, I am optimistic about the recent joint patrols between Gambian and Senegalese forces. These efforts should not remain isolated occurrences. Both governments must seize the moment to institutionalize and expand this collaboration, ensuring that all troops involved are properly incentivized. A seasoned force like the GAF, with its rich peacekeeping legacy, cannot be relegated to ceremonial functions. The dissolution of the Senegambia Confederation in 1989 marked the onset of a morale crisis within the GNA, culminating in the 1994 coup that dismantled the PPP government after over three decades of rule.
Today, with Senegal’s new PASTEF-led Pan-Africanist government, there is a genuine opportunity to revive the spirit of the Confederation. I place more faith in PASTEF’s leadership than in any Senegalese administration I have witnessed. By rekindling this historic alliance, both nations stand poised to reclaim a shared legacy of stability and progress.
Retired Lt. Colonel Samsudeen Sarr,
former commander of the GNA
