By Ansumana Darboe
The Gambia is on the verge of enacting a landmark law, the Trading of Carbon Credit Bill, 2024—that will determine how the country engages in global carbon markets. Done right, this legislation could unlock transformative climate finance for vulnerable communities, support biodiversity restoration, and provide sustainable jobs. Done wrong, it risks excluding the very people who have been leading the country’s grassroots climate action.
At the heart of the controversy is the government’s proposal to allocate 40% of carbon credit revenue to itself, leaving the rest to be shared among project developers, communities, and other stakeholders. This model is fundamentally flawed. It does not reflect the effort, cost, and responsibility borne by communities and local civil society organisations (CSOs) who are already planting mangroves, restoring degraded land, and safeguarding forests, often without any state support.
Contrast this with Kenya’s Climate Change (Carbon Markets) Regulations, 2024, which The Gambia would do well to study. Kenya’s law mandates that at least 60% of the net proceeds from land-based carbon projects must directly benefit local communities. These funds are distributed through transparent Community Development Agreements, ensuring local ownership, equity, and reinvestment into sustainable development.
But in The Gambia, we propose going a step further. In a context where CSOs and community groups are the principal implementers of ecosystem restoration, a 60% share of carbon revenue for communities is not just fair, it is necessary. This is how we create a carbon economy that empowers rather than exploits, and builds resilience rather than reinforces dependency.
The 60% share should be enshrined in law and managed through local and accountable mechanisms. Communities should have a say in how revenues are allocated and be protected by legal provisions such as Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) and mandatory Community Development Agreements. Without these legal safeguards, community participation will remain symbolic and financial benefits will continue to flow upwards rather than outwards.
Kenya’s model goes beyond revenue sharing. It guarantees representation of CSOs and county governments in the national carbon governance structure, making it participatory and transparent.
This inclusive approach is critical to restoring public trust in government institutions and ensuring long-term sustainability. If The Gambia’s bill is to be credible, it must adopt a similar model of shared governance and rights-based implementation.
Carbon trading should not become a centralised profit scheme that benefits the few at the expense of the many. The carbon stored in mangroves and forests is a product of decades of stewardship by rural communities. The benefits of that carbon must return to those who protect it.
If The Gambia truly wants to lead in nature-based solutions and blue carbon finance, it must start by recognising the central role of its people, not just in rhetoric, but in law. A 60% share of carbon revenues to communities would be a bold and just step forward, aligning our national policy with global best practice and the principles of climate justice.
Let us not miss this moment. Let us write a carbon law that gives The Gambia a future to be proud of.
