Basidia M Drammeh
The announcement by the Ministry of Basic and Secondary Education in 2023 regarding the validation of an updated education policy to incorporate “local” languages into the education system sparked considerable excitement among activists and advocates for native language education. Research has consistently shown that learning in one’s mother tongue, particularly during the early stages of education, significantly enhances literacy and learning outcomes. Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (1986) famously argued that learning in colonial languages has resulted in “divorce, dissociation, and alienation,” severing learners from their cultural and linguistic roots. In The Gambia, the persistent use of English, a language foreign to the majority of children at home, has been a major factor contributing to student underperformance.
Ironically, since independence in 1965, the Jawara administration pursued an English-only language policy, thereby distancing itself from colonial-era initiatives that sought to integrate native languages into education. Historical evidence shows that the British colonial administration had introduced measures to promote Mandinka as a lingua franca, even initiating pilot programmes at Pakalinding and Gambia College. However, this policy was abandoned post-independence in favour of fostering national unity, a decision confirmed by prominent historian Hassoum Ceesay.
Despite the initial optimism surrounding the 2023 policy update, practical challenges quickly surfaced. Chief among them was the controversial selection of Wolof, spoken by approximately 15% of the population, as the pilot language, sidelining Mandinka, which is spoken by nearly 40%. This decision provoked public backlash, leading to a formal petition submitted to the National Assembly’s Petitions Committee. Critics argue that the choice failed to reflect the country’s linguistic demographics and risked marginalising the majority.
The flawed selection process highlights deeper structural issues that could undermine the policy’s success. The Gambia could have drawn lessons from multilingual nations such as South Africa, which recognises over ten official languages, or Canada, where English and French coexist as national languages. A comprehensive linguistic survey should have been conducted to ensure equitable representation of all major language groups.
The challenges to the project’s success extend beyond language selection alone. While it is not necessary to choose just one native language, evidenced by countries like South Africa with over ten official languages or Canada with both English and French, it is vital that a comprehensive linguistic survey is conducted to avoid sidelining speakers of any particular language. Furthermore, the lack of political will is a significant barrier, considering the fact that such transformative decisions should involve the highest levels of government and full stakeholder engagement, including parents.
For meaningful implementation of this policy, training educators and providing appropriate learning materials are crucial. Without these considerations, the initiative risks becoming a mere declaration rather than a substantive change. Crucially, for the policy to achieve its intended goals, children should be allowed to learn in their native languages from pre-school through at least grade six. Only through careful planning, genuine stakeholder engagement, and strong political support can the initiative fulfil its promise of decolonising education and empowering Gambian learners. Without these measures, the policy is likely to falter.
